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The recent decision by the Karnataka government to make public the survey of the state’s social, economic, and educational demography, commonly known as the caste census conducted in 2015, has ignited a significant political and social debate. This is hardly surprising, considering that census exercises in modern India have always been more than just numerical data collection; they inevitably carry social and political undertones. The enumeration of caste, in particular, has consistently provoked both fervent assertions of caste identity and staunch opposition. The Karnataka government's move has stirred up what can be described as a hornet's nest, particularly among dominant castes like the Vokkaligas and the Lingayats, while other communities adopt a wait-and-see approach. The timing of this announcement, following a similar census initiative in Telangana, Rahul Gandhi’s repeated promises to conduct a pan-India caste census, and the Congress party’s manifesto promises in Karnataka, appears to have propelled Chief Minister Siddaramaiah to release the survey after nearly a decade of its completion. The census was conducted under the supervision of H Kantharaj, the former president of the Karnataka State Commission for Backward Classes. This census, encompassing detailed information and enumeration of every community, marks the first such exercise in Karnataka in approximately 85 years. The Karnataka government asserts that the present census provides a “scientific” and “accurate” depiction of castes and communities, presenting a comprehensive profile of their social and economic status, including sub-castes within Other Backward Classes (OBCs), minorities, Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), and even traditional forward castes. The release of this census data comes at a critical juncture when the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is actively trying to consolidate the Hindu vote in Karnataka by employing polarization tactics. The report's findings have the potential to disrupt these efforts by reintroducing the politics of caste assertion. The current situation evokes memories of Devaraj Urs, who, during the 1970s, engineered a reservation policy for the Ahinda castes, a move that drew the ire of the Lingayats and the Brahmins. While the Karnataka government is attempting to defend its decision by emphasizing policy matters and equal opportunities, the BJP appears apprehensive that caste politics will undermine its Hindutva agenda. Consequently, the BJP has seized every opportunity to criticize the Congress government, resorting to the well-worn trope of “Muslim appeasement.” Notably, the census report indicates that Muslims constitute the single largest group after the Scheduled Castes. This has further fueled the BJP’s criticism and accusations of favoritism towards the Muslim community.
Despite the Karnataka government’s intention to debate and discuss the commission’s report in the Assembly, certain “stereotypical” narratives are already gaining traction. These narratives include the assertion that the Congress government is primarily aiming to consolidate its Ahinda votes, that Muslims outnumber all other castes and communities in Karnataka, and that the government is pursuing Muslim appeasement to secure electoral gains. Several mainstream Kannada television channels are reportedly amplifying these narratives without adequately considering the historical context and ground realities. It is crucial to acknowledge that Karnataka has a long history of providing reservation to Muslims within the Backward Classes category. In 1979, a division bench of the Karnataka High Court, citing the reports of the first backward commission, affirmed that Muslims are socially and educationally backward and lack adequate representation in public services. The court emphasized that their status as a religious minority should not preclude them from being included in the list of Backward Classes. The Supreme Court upheld this judgment in 1985. Subsequently, the government formed a second backward commission under the leadership of T V Venkataswamy, which also concluded that Muslims qualified as members of the Backward Classes. These historical precedents notwithstanding, the BJP continues to accuse the Congress of “Muslim appeasement.” This accusation disregards the legal and historical basis for the inclusion of Muslims in the Backward Classes category and ignores the socio-economic realities that necessitate such affirmative action. The BJP's relentless focus on this issue serves to polarize the electorate and divert attention from the substantive issues raised by the caste census.
On the other hand, the Janata Dal (S) has criticized the government for allegedly dividing the Vokkaligas and the Lingayats, although it has refrained from using overtly religious language. By avoiding religious rhetoric, the Janata Dal (S) hopes to maintain its secular image. However, this strategy also reflects the party's concern about alienating either the Vokkaliga and Lingayat communities or the Muslim and OBC communities. The Congress party faces a delicate balancing act. It cannot afford to lose the support of any of these crucial voting blocs. The Lingayats and the Vokkaligas have historically been influential communities in Karnataka politics, and their support is essential for any party seeking to form a government. At the same time, the Muslim and OBC communities represent a significant portion of the electorate, and their support is equally vital for the Congress party's electoral prospects. The Karnataka caste census has brought to the forefront the complex interplay of caste, religion, and politics in the state. The BJP is attempting to leverage the census data to consolidate the Hindu vote and accuse the Congress of Muslim appeasement. The Congress party, on the other hand, is trying to navigate the political landscape carefully, balancing the interests of various communities and ensuring that its policies promote social justice and equality. The Janata Dal (S) is attempting to position itself as a secular alternative, appealing to both the Vokkaliga and Lingayat communities while avoiding divisive religious rhetoric. The outcome of this political maneuvering will likely have a significant impact on the future of Karnataka politics. The caste census has the potential to reshape the political landscape, leading to new alliances and shifting loyalties. Ultimately, the success of any political party will depend on its ability to understand and respond to the complex social and economic realities of Karnataka's diverse population.
The author, Vijayakumar M Boratti, who teaches at the University of Mysore, brings valuable perspective to this analysis. His understanding of the nuances of Karnataka’s social fabric and political history is evident in his nuanced assessment of the situation. He highlights the potential benefits and risks associated with the caste census, and he underscores the challenges faced by the various political parties as they navigate this complex issue. Boratti's analysis serves as a reminder that census data, while seemingly objective, is always interpreted and used within a specific political context. The release of the Karnataka caste census is not simply a matter of presenting statistical information; it is a political act with potentially far-reaching consequences. The way in which the data is interpreted and used will shape the political discourse in Karnataka for years to come. The Karnataka government's decision to release the caste census is a bold move that has the potential to promote greater social justice and equality. However, it also carries significant risks, including the possibility of increased social division and political polarization. It is essential that all stakeholders engage in a constructive dialogue about the census data and work together to ensure that it is used to promote the well-being of all communities in Karnataka. The current political climate, however, makes such constructive dialogue difficult. The BJP's relentless attacks on the Congress party and its accusations of Muslim appeasement create a hostile environment that is not conducive to rational discussion. The Congress party's need to balance the interests of various communities further complicates the situation. In order for the caste census to be a force for good, it is essential that all parties involved act responsibly and prioritize the well-being of the people of Karnataka above partisan political interests. The challenge is to move beyond the divisive rhetoric and engage in a meaningful dialogue about the future of the state. This requires a willingness to listen to different perspectives and to work together to find solutions that benefit all communities.
Source: BJP should understand history of Muslim reservation in Karnataka before slamming caste census